Masks and puppets tell Sri Lanka's ancient tales

Puppets from the Ehelepola Kumaraya play, the story of a nobleman's son resisting a Sinhalese king influenced by the colonizing British (Photo by Rajpal Abeynayake)

AMBALANGODA, Sri Lanka -- In Ambalangoda, a vibrant Sri Lankan coastal town of fishermen, sunshine and traditional mask makers, two unique and ancient art forms are battling for survival. One, known as rukada, uses almost life-size puppets to thrill and amuse audiences.

Its not-so-distant cousin is the art of masked drama called kolam, which translates best as "farce." In kolam, costumed men wearing masks act out ancient stories, often to raucous effect. What unites these two art forms are the traditional masks made in Ambalangoda and other maritime towns of Sri Lanka's south, such as Balapitiya.

Both traditions deal with material from Buddhist lore -- the Jathaka tales, which are a retelling of stories from the Buddha's previous incarnations. Comedy and farcical plotlines are a large part of both types of performance.

 

But the masks themselves, which form the basis of the colorful puppet faces too, originate from a much darker place in the people's psyche.

Masks from Ambalangoda and other maritime towns were first used thousands of years ago in exorcism rituals, in what was called "devil dancing" or thovil. This tradition of ritual therapeutic theater dates back over 2,500 years to pre-Buddhist times.

A puppet from an ancient folk tale, dramatized (Photo by Rajpal Abeynayake)

The puppeteers from Ambalangoda also draw on the nadagam, the South Indian dance drama tradition imported from Tamil Nadu in southern India by colonizing Catholics.

Supun Gamini, a computer science and management graduate, is a fourth-generation puppeteer who has launched a determined effort to keep Ambalangoda's rukada art alive.

His greatest challenge, he said, is to work around some aspects of tradition that he feels deter people, especially the young, who prefer today's internet-generated popular culture instead.

Some of the traditions associated with masks and puppetry are dying out, but that may not be an entirely bad thing, according to Gamini. Ignoring some aspects of the ritual may be the way to let the puppet art and masked dances live on.

"For example, each time they cut down a kaduru tree for crafting masks or puppets in the days of my forefathers, they enacted elaborate rituals before the tree was felled," said Gamini. These rites were meant to propitiate the divine beings.

Supun Gamini, a puppeteer, with a puppet styled after the thovil mask tradition (Photo by Rajpal Abeynayake)

 

None of that happens now, said Gamini. The need for this particular tradition seems absent when most of the puppet and kolam tales borrow from ritual for dramatic content anyway. So sacrificing this aspect has not done the art itself any damage, he explained.

Similar forces are shaping Ambalangoda's kolam masked drama. Tukkawadu Harischandra is, like Gamini, a fourth- generation practitioner, with similar modernizing views. He does not mind if the kolam players blaze new trails and borrow today's political themes as plotlines. But there is no need to overdo it, he said, when the old stories, some stretching back thousands of years, still have relevance.

Harischandra, who likens the kolam tradition to Noh and Kabuki in Japan, said his son, who is a harbor pilot officer, will eventually take up the tradition because he, like his siblings, does not want to see it die.

The same impulse drives Gamini. He says rukada is what his forefathers did, and though fellow graduates from his class in one of Sri Lanka's top universities are aiming for upward mobility through their jobs, he would much rather preserve a tradition that began with his grandfather's father.

The puppets in Gamini's puppet museum are almost life-size. The craftsmen of Ambalangoda made puppets much bigger than they are in most countries, with huge bulging eyes, and usually masses of hair.

Masks for puppeteer Tukkawadu Harischandra on display at the Tukkavadu Gunadasa museum in Ambalangoda (Photo by Rajpal Abeynayake)

The eyes are large on the masks used by dancers in the kolam tradition as well, because the characters were meant to be recognized from far away in large village crowds, said Harischandra.

Whenever Gamini's ancestors performed, the puppeteers often performed skits which evoked the struggles against powerful local royalty, or colonialism.

The Ehelepola saga was once staged by his grandfather's puppet ensemble before the British royals, Gamini said.

This is the story of the bravery of a small child of a hill country nobleman, whose children were put to death by the then Sinhalese king, who had been influenced by the colonizing British. The little prince, Ehelepola Kumaraya, shamed his elder brother, historical lore has it, meeting his executioner with the words: "Big brother, I will show you how to die."

People are intrigued by such explorations of their histories. The tales are told by the lovable-looking rukada and kolam characters. These days most village audiences have not seen them before, because such performances are so rare now.

People are used to seeing the flaws of today's politicians, and both rukada and kolam are a way of indirectly making fun of contemporary personalities. Their lives are reflected in the tales of the past.

The amorous Village Headman portrayed in many of the old colonial era skits could be any modern politico. The Andare or Joker on the Headman's staff, who tricks the master into sharing his mistress, could well be such a politico's bodyguard.

The fabled Nonchi Akka, the mask for an eccentric old woman character, much loved by audiences (Photo by Rajpal Abeynayake)

Parody and lampooning are a feature of both art forms, especially the kolam. It is art as a form of pricking pomposities. The puppets and masks themselves make most people laugh, just by looking at them.

In rukada most life-size puppet performances begin with the Jester asking the audience questions. Then the buhubootha dance is pure farce and absurdity. Joker puppets are featured in this slapstick dance form, with an eye on keeping kids entertained.

Kolam in particular uses a fairly rustic brand of humor. In the "Arrachchi Kolama," for instance, the audience awaits the arrival of royalty.

However, it is the head clerk of the Arachchi, or village headman, that appears and is assigned to count the exact number of people present. He adds the unborn babies in mothers' wombs to the head count.

Another tale, "Hewa kolama," is a dig at the colonial powers and was also performed before royalty, among others Britain's Queen Elizabeth II and her retinue, when they visited in 1954.

In the "Hewa kolama," soldiers appear on stage displaying bruises all over their faces. The narrator asks them the cause of their injuries.

They say they had to fight off British troops on the way to the ceremony to welcome British royalty. In fact, they were the King's guards, who were supposed to clean up the streets for the arrival of the visiting royals.

They look at each other bemused and say they jumped into the Kandy lake on the way, and blood-sucking leeches fixed onto the bruises, making the wounds even redder, and more prominent.

At this point they all look at each other and burst out laughing and demand toddy, a local coconut liquor, from the audience before sauntering offstage.

As in Kabuki, the kolam actors are all male, and this includes the actors behind the female masks. These traditions are sacred, and should not be tampered with, said Harischandra.

Kolam originated in ancient times, Harischandra noted. The mythical King Mahasammatha's wife wanted to see some funny and entertaining theater while suffering pregnancy cravings. So the king's courtiers organized a masked theater performance, and the queen's yearnings were satisfied.

In the past, these mythical origins were remembered with the arrival on stage of a character portraying a pregnant queen. But there is nothing sacred about these motifs, and introducing a degree of flexibility toward tradition has been a success for Harischandra, and others like him.

"Badadaru Kathawa" is a kolam story as old as the sea around Ambalangoda.

Its central character is a pregnant woman who appears on stage lamenting her labor pains. The narrator asks her what her problem is, and her reply is that all the men in the audience put her in this condition.

The woman says the men pledged gifts of clothes and jewelry but did not keep their promises. It is a typical trope for an audience accustomed to knockabout, interactive comedy.

After a few twists and turns to the plot, the work is done for Harischandra and his colleagues. The ancient theme of pregnancy has been kept intact, even without the old ritual of the pregnant queen appearing before the performance.

"We are not commercially minded," said Harischandra. "But we know how to draw the crowds anyway."

“Masks of Sri Lanka Exhibits”

Visitors at the Viewpoint Gallery witness an interesting Illuminations exhibit of masks of varying colors, each intricately detailed and hypnotizing. The masks were arranged by international student Danushi De Silva. The exhibit, titled “Masks of Sri Lanka: Face to Face Communication,” provides a cursory glance at the rich amount of tradition underlying the masks.

While walking around the exhibit, the amount of detail on the masks is evident. They came in varying forms and were crafted with a high attention to detail. Each one is rendered with lush color. Even through the images the textures popped out and each mask gave off a vibrancy. They possessed deep grooves and hard edges, yet maintained a flowing appearance when viewed from afar.  It was not hard to get absorbed in the images themselves and imagine coming face to face with one.

 

Photo by Kate Rutz-Robbins

Traditional ritual masks dating back as far back as 2,500 years ago may have been used for entertainment, but that wasn’t their only purpose. Other masks played roles in society such as curing sickness. There were 18 unique masks  designed for performance in a ritual to cure illness. According to the Illuminations guide for the exhibit, such masks acted as representations, mirroring the 18 malignant spirits that caused a number of ailments.

European exporting of the masks to museums, where they were paraded as objects of spectacle, reduced their use in the places they came from. De Silva’s photographs capture traditional masks from a range of locations such as the Traditional Puppet Art Museum, the Colombo National Museum, the Ariyapala Museum and a mask festival typically held in Colombo.

Looking at the images, it’s hard to imagine that some of the masks pictured are more than 150 years old because their vibrance and eye-catching characteristics made them look like new. There were a few physical representations present as well in the exhibit that added another dimension of visualizing the traditional masks. Being so close to these was almost taunting as one was compelled to imagine what the masks would look like when actually utilized during a traditional ceremony.

 

Photo by Kate Rutz-Robbins

The exhibit as a whole brought a novel perspective to depicting the traditional ritual masks of Sri Lanka, but the inherent issue with images and even physical masks is that the display was incomplete. We, as viewers partaking in the dissemination of the tradition by learning about it, are deprived of the actual experience of seeing the masks as they were originally used. The importance of these masks is not just within the level of detail and care that went into crafting them, but also the faces of those who wore them in illustrative performances. Ultimately, this is a powerful statement, as the masks are no longer being used as they were in the pre-colonial era and now serve as relics of yesterday’s traditions.

Saving Sri Lankan PUPPETRY

 

Gamvari Supun Tharanga (26), a Peradeniya University Graduate with a degree in Computation and Management is an unlikely candidate to save the art of puppetry from oblivion and yet, he has stepped up to ensure that the traditions of his ancestors continue well into the 21st Century and beyond.

Ambalangoda was once the ‘heart’ of puppetry in the South but over the years, as puppeteers left for more lucrative work and people focused more on their television sets than the puppets, the industry has faced a slow death. To keep the art alive and to provide it with a space to thrive, Tharanga opened a puppet museum called ‘Puppeteers of Lanka’ which draws talent from Ambalangoda and the villages surrounding it.

This Puppetry Museum located on Galle road is in close proximity to Balapitiya Base Hospital. According to Tharanga, the main purpose of the museum was to bring to life simple traditional life styles, including the attire of the rural agricultural community which many do not see any more. The traditional kitchen and kitchen utensils found in the dwellings in rural Sri Lanka is also fund at this Puppetry museum.

 I wanted to show people the kind of lifestyles we had and to capture what a typical Sri Lankan kitchen looked like, he said.

 The museum also depicts various characters of the British Colonial Administration who had exploited the locals in puppet form. In addition, puppets have also been made to retell popular legends, Jataka stories and Sri Lankan mythology.

History of puppetry in Sri Lanka

Opinions differ over the introduction of puppetry to Sri Lanka, but the majority of historians believe that puppeteers from India on their visits to Sri Lanka had introduced it. Further the Chulawamsa made references to puppetry during a religious festival held in the Kingdom of Dambadeniya during the reign of King Parakramabahu the Second.

Puppetry is considered a universal art form and not confined to one particular nation, culture, religious or ethnic group. In Buddhist Jataka stories, references are made to puppetry and puppet festivals are also held by the Catholic devotees depicting events of religious significance.

According to ethnographic and anthropological research findings, the origin of puppetry goes back to more than 30,000 years. Greek Philosophers such as Aristotle and Plato had made references to puppetry in their philosophical treatises. During the archaeological excavations made in children’s grave yards in ancient locations in Egypt, Rome and the Indus Valley Civilization, puppets quite similar to dolls having movable heads made out of terracotta and animal tusks have been discovered. Indian Epics such as the Ramayana and Mahabarata and Greek Epics such as the Odyssey and Iliad have also been dramatized using puppets.

Running in the family

Tharanga’s father, Gamini Rupasiri is the owner of ‘Gamini Rupasiri Puppetry Dance Institute’ in Viharagoda, Kandegoda; a village famous for puppeteers and located in close proximity to Ambalangoda.

Tharanga, since the age of seven had shown an inherent desire to gather knowledge of in every aspect of puppetry under his father and the other experienced puppet dancers who took part in performances staged in various parts of the country, said Rupasiri.

Rupasiri however, runs a tailoring shop today because he can no longer survive on puppetry alone. He is not the only puppeteer who had to retire his puppets for pragmatic reasons. Ambalangoda and its suburbs on the Southern coast of Sri Lanka has been identified as a repository of traditional folk art, folk dramas, mask dance, ancient rituals and belief systems which have been passed down from one generation to the next for the last few centuries. Ganvari Podisirina Gurunnanse was renown in the sphere of puppetry and is popularly known to be the founder of this dance form to the villages around Ambalangoda.

As his father’s art form diminishes, Tharanga said, his ambition was to preserve the puppetry tradition of the chief pioneer Podi Sirina Gurunnanse. “This is important as the puppetry now is on the verge of disappearing forever”.

Podi Sirina Gurunnanse

In 1922, when the Prince of Wales visited Sri Lanka, the colonial government at the time held an exhibition at Victoria Park in Colombo to mark the occasion. Podi Sirina Gurunnanse received the rare opportunity to perform a puppet dance on this historical day as a mark of respect to the Prince of Wales and his retinue of other members of the Royalty. The story goes that the Prince was so enthralled by the puppet show performed by Podi Sirina Gurunnanse, that he offered him a sum of Rs. 500 and a gold medal in recognition of his talents and thus he was the first puppeteer to bring recognition to the country for the folk art of puppetry.

Late F. R. Senanayake, P. de S. Kularatne, Professor G. P. Malalasekara, Professor Tissa Kariyawasam and Dr. Jayadewa Thilakasiri were also among the prominent intellectuals who recognized the value of puppetry as a rare form of folk dance to be protected from extinction.

The pioneer of puppetry, Podi Sirina Gurunnanse passed away in 1936.

After his demise, his two sons, G. Daniel Gurunnanse and G. Jamis Gurunnanse and several other famous puppeteers of the era namely Aranolis Gurunnanse of Kandegoda, Jayaneris Gurunnanse of Bogahawatta, Saranelis Gurunnanse and Charles Gurunnanse of Kandegoda were the other founding members of a group of puppet dancing known as ‘Dakshina Lanka Puppeteers’.

Other pioneers of puppetry

Gamvari Loveneris was another renowned puppeteer having unique talents and lived at Bogahawatta adjoining Ambalangoda. Loveneris excelled in every aspect of puppetry. From carving puppets depicting various characters, painting, costume making, make up, singing and playing musical instruments; he did it all by himself in addition to manipulating puppets on the stage.

Loveneris was taught by his father, Gamvari Surathan Gurunnanse but he passed away when Loveneris was only four. Thereafter, Jayaneris Gurunnanse; a famous puppeteer took over and groomed young Loveneris to be a fully-fledged puppeteer.

Downward trend in puppetry

Gamvari Premin is a grandson of Gamvari Podi Sirina Gurunnanse and today, Premin is working hard to protect his grandfather’s legacy. He lives at Viharagoda, a suburban village in Ambalangoda.

Premin had represented Sri Lankan puppetry in a number of International Puppetry Festivals held in several Asian and European countries and a few years back, Premin was appointed as the Chairman of Puppetry Panel of the Arts Council of the Cultural Department. He attributed the downward trend of puppetry to its unprofitable nature as a livelihood.

Majority of puppeteers have already given up puppetry and resorted to other forms of livelihood. Certain professional puppeteers, instead of taking part in performances of puppetry dancing, are now engaged in carving puppets for sale in tourist resorts. According to Premin, out of 200 professional puppeteers based in and around the villages of Ambalangoda, only 15 of them really engage in puppet dancing.

“It is highly regrettable today that even the state institutions in the Southern Province including Ambalangoda where puppetry originated from, has forgotten this traditional form of puppet dancing”, he said. Nalin Gamvari and Vipula Gamvari are the two sons of Loveneris Gurunnanse who inherited puppetry from their father since their early childhood.

Nalin won a gold medal in 1980 and produced a musical puppet play on hunger to mark World Food Day. Nalin was also the first to perform in the history of puppetry in Sri Lanka, a puppet show underwater at Hikkaduwa. It was filmed by the Finnish divers.

In 1988, Nalin attended the third International Puppet Festival held in Japan and in the same year, he represented Sri Lanka in a puppet festival held in Pakistan. He has also been the only puppeteer in Ambalangoda, keen on producing puppet dramas exposing social, political conflicts and the exploitation and abuse of power.

Both Nalin Gamvari and his brother Vipula Gamvari, just like their father Gamvari Loveneris, are well versed in all aspects of puppetry.

They have represented Sri Lanka in International Puppet Festivals held in France, Spain, China, India and several Asian and European countries. Despite their efforts however, it has been an uphill task for these accomplished puppeteers, “Puppetry is no longer recognized in this country as a form of entertainment. The authorities pay little attention to it and just celebrate ‘World Puppet Day’ and soon forget it thereafter”, said Nalin.

Gamvari Supun Tharanga and a few other remaining puppeteers.

Mystery of the Sri Lankan Masks

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'Ves' in Sinhala means to disguise. We talk of 'ves marukaranawa' to indicate disguise. 'Ves gannawa', means to dress up and we often refer to a person changing his attitude in terms of 'ves peralenawa'. The 'ves natuma' is a form of Kandyan dancing and the 'ves muhuna' is a mask which is worn over the face of a dancer or an actor.

The idea in wearing a mask is to hide your real identity. You then project a different character or personality. The mask is used in ritual or dance drama to transform the wearer into a specific character. It sends out a multi-faceted effect visually, theatrically and symbolically.

Masks are used extensively in ritualistic performances. 'Thovil' is a common form of ritual dancing in rural Sri Lanka performed mainly to seek redress from illnesses or to ward off evil spirits.

There is the common belief that certain ailments are caused by unseen hands and that they should be chased away for the patient to get cured. If an individual or a family is not doing well, the village-folk believe that it's because that person or the family is being harassed by unseen hands. A 'thovil' ceremony is the answer.

The 'thovil' can be a simple ritualistic ceremony at home restricted to family and immediate neighbours or involving the whole village like the 'gam-maduva' or the 'devol-maduva' which is closely linked to the worship of gods. Masked dancers take part in at least two of the well-known 'thovil' ceremonies referred to as the 'Maha Sohon Samayama' and the 'Gara Yakuma'. The mention of 'Moha Sohona' frightens the people since he is believed to be the demon of the graveyards.

The performer disguises himself as a bear and wears a mask and a dress to resemble one. Often the 'thovil' involves the 'sanni' dances where all the dancers wear masks. The 'daha ata sanniya' refers to sixteen ailments with a demon being responsible for each one of them.

Dancers wearing masks take part in processions while at certain ceremonies, masks are used to depict different characters. Of later origin are the masks worn by children and teenagers at street performances during Vesak. Popularly known as 'olu bakko' for the simple reason that oversize masks are worn, these performances keep the younger-folk, in particular, entertained.

Then there are the dance-dramas which have developed in their own style in different parts of the country. The use of masks is common in these, particularly in the 'kolam', the popular dance-drama tradition in the South of Sri Lanka. Referring to 'kolam' as 'masked plays', which survive to this day chiefly in the coastal townships like Mirissa, Ambalangoda and Bentara, Professor Ediriweera Sarachchandra has written that they are chiefly distinguished by the fact that the actors wear masks that are elaborately carved out of some kind of light wood and painted in bright colours.

Dr. Sarachchandra lists over fifty characters in his 'Folk Drama on Ceylon' who are presented in a 'kolam'. Starting from the crier (anabera kolama), the soldier (heva rala), the aratchi (aratchi kolama) and the mudaliyar (mudali kolama) the list proceeds in the order the characters are presented. These characters are identified by the masks they wear.

In his in-depth study of masks, Professor M. H. Goonatilleka says that Kolam masks represent character types or specific personalities whose distinctive features are portrayed or exaggerated by means of carving and painting of characterizing details and iconographic elements. According to him, the mask is not a static object or an immobile, three-dimensional representation. It is always in movement and is only fully meaningful in the dynamic context of the dance and the dance-drama.

Dividing the kolam masks into three, Prof. Goonatilleka categorises them as human, supernatural and animal. Human masks may either be straightforward or caricatures. Masks of gods, goddesses and other mythological figures belong to the category of supernatural masks which include demon masks as well. Animal masks are basically straightforward.

Human masks include the royal masks as well as officials like the ministers, the mudliyar, the village headman and the policeman. Then there are a host of others like the chettiar (trader), the Tamil man, the laundry-man, the drummer and his wife Nonchi, and Lenchina, Jasaya's wife in the popular folk tale, bringing a touch of humour to the story.

The masks which are made from light wood like 'kaduru' or 'ruk attana' to ensure that they are not heavy at all, are designed to bring out the facial features of the different characters. The mudali and the headman, for example, are proud officials who like to show their authority. They belong to a higher caste and the villages are scared of them.

The masks worn by these characters would display features that indicate their positions of authority. In contrast, there would be the 'gama raala' and the 'gama mahage', simple village folk who would wear masks to suit their characters. Beards, moustaches and side burns indicate the social status of the different characters.

The supernatural masks belong to two categories – legendary figures of a basically human type and those of demons. These masks are much more elaborate than the human masks, particularly those of female characters. The 'nari-lata', for example, is a very ornate-looking mask with a floral creeper headdress. A bare-breasted figure emerges from the foliage which also forms her skirt. The demonic masks too have elaborate headdresses and large ear-pieces. Cobras in different patterns and positions are a marked feature in these.

Animal masks, particularly the bear and the leopard, are used in ritual ceremonies to represent demonic characters. The lion, the crocodile, the fox and the bull are among the other animal masks.

Sokari is a folk dance form confined to the hill country performed on the 'kamata' (threshing floor). Sarachchandra says that the play serves no purpose except that of entertainment.

A few actors use masks which are much smaller and less elaborate than kolam masks. These are traditionally made from the leaf of the 'kolon' tree or the leaf sheath of the arecanut palm.

The mask is an artistic creation used to portray characters – both realistic and mythical. They are very much part of Sri Lankan heritage and should be preserved for the future.

 

Sri Lanka Kolam Rituals connection to South India

DANCE: The earliest known masks have been found in the excavations of the Harappan civilization of India datable to 3000-5000 B.C. Since then masks have found their way universally to all civilizations. Seemingly masks have had their origin from the inborn desire of man in his primitive days to disguise themselves in their hunt for food.

They would have not used masks but painted their faces with red stone and vegetable dyes. This would have then developed into forms of entertainment and later to impersonate unseen supernatural powers.

This would have been the earliest forms of magic or sorcery. In most of the cave murals in India masked figures are depicted. Thus this tradition had taken a new figuration, in tribal dances to ward off evil spells. In India some tribal dance forms still retain the masked faces in dances, in the remote, hill habitats, where foreign influence had found difficult to intrude.

The present State of Jharkhand was formely a princely state called Seraikella. Among the three mask dance forms in east India, the masks used by the Seraikella-chau is most equisite work of refined art. The Mayurbanj-chau has dispensed with the use of masks.

The Purulia masks being very heavy and are classified into two sectors, the rigid and immobile blue and the white masks for personification of gods and heroes and the colourful masks like those of Sri Lanka in ritual exorcist dance forms, represent demons and evil spirits.

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The Seraikella dance was patronized by Raja A. P. Singh Deo and Pratap Adiya Singh Deo. These members of the royal household were exponents of this dance form themselves.

They introduced many variations and suitably modified the masks to be attuned to the stories to be enacted. They based these dance forms on the works of poet Kalidasa of Meghaduta fame, and later of the works of Poet Laureate of India Rabindranath Tagore.

The face is always used to express emotions and feelings by the dancers in Chau dance, since the face is masked, the dancer has to be highly imaginative to express the feelings, through the body language exclusively, which requires a high degree of concentration. Some of the masks are heavy and carved out of wood, while others are made of paper.

The masks are made of the dark clay from the banks of the river, then kneaded into a thick paste. A clay model of the character is made and allowed to dry. Then layers of paper are laid upon it and glued together. A thin piece of muslin cloth is then stretched over it and covered with a layer of fine potter's clay. The clay is then smoothened to remove any creases and the mask is polished and painted after the clay is dried and removed.

The nose and eyes are chiselled with a sharp steel pointer. In contrast the Sri Lankan mask-makers of Ambalangoda use the wood of the Kaduru tree, the shortage of which they always complain of. The above process could be resorted to by them, and be in business without any interruption, as clay is found in abundance.

The word 'Kolam' is generally used in Sri Lanka to give a meaning of a 'hilarious or foolish person or act'. However, the Kolam dance ritual of the South West coastal belt of Sri Lanka, (especially Ambalangoda) is a migrant dance from Kerala of South India. Kolam is a Tamil word, with a wide significance. It literally means 'representation', a 'figure' very much out of the ordinary.

It is applied specifically to signify a man wearing a strikingly distinctive costume. This latter derivative is applied to the art of Kolam in Sri Lanka, which is the most hilarious and joyous in the whole repertoire of Sinhala traditional dance forms.

The Kolam is a numerous-sided study. A point of general interest is the origin of Kolam.

The commonly accepted origin, is the 'doladuka' the craving of a pregnant queen, finds an interesting counterpart in the ancient custom of providing a woman with bangles in the fifth or seventh month of pregnancy. As the Tamil Lexicon tells us this custom was called Kolam. However, with its arrival in Sri Lanka it became purely a recreational pastime.

In Kerala the Kolam dance form, still a ritual, is called Kolam Tullai. According to the Kerala legends Kolam Tullai is a devil dance in which a number of demons appear and peform their midnight revels before a fire-place. The actors wear masks made of the spathe of the arecanut palm (pala), cut in various shapes of demons and painted black and red.

In the torch light they appear weired and awe-inspiring. They dance round and round the fire making horrid noises, singing, and joking, fighting and wrestling. Faggots are burned and some of the participants walk on the embers. These horrible weired performances continue from dusk to dawn. These dancers are supposed to be the emissaries of Goddess Kali, come on earth to ward off evil.

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